Taerel:Tinaech Tribal Zu'aan
History
Pre-Awakening
The Tinaech tribe can trace its lineage to the Empire’s 77th Artillery Brigade. This martial grouping, known colloquially as the ‘Hellbringers’, was a notoriously effective unit that specialised in artillery duels and counter-battery operations. Due to the decline in archival technology through the third and fourth eras, much of the 77th’s military career has been lost. However, fragments of documents and transcribed sources highlight several important dates related to them. The 77th seems to have been created sometime between 2E 2890 and 2905. According to several surviving manifests, a large portion of artillery pieces and shells were set aside for the ‘founding of a novel unit capable of effective counter-battery deployment’ (Imperial Supply Manifests, dated late 2E).
Pre-Awakening scholars agree that around this period, the Empire was dealing with at least two armed conflicts. The first is likely to have been with their territorial rivals, the The first is likely to have been with their territorial rivals, the Ka'orans. Having repelled several Imperial incursions in 2E 2885-2888, the Kingdom sought to push the Empire farther from its borders. Multiple expeditionary forces were unleashed against the Imperials in around 2E 2889 and made significant headway into hinterlands utilised by the Empire as militarised zones. From what could be understood, the Kaa’orans possessed superior long-ranged technology as well as a doctrine that placed heavy emphasis on utilising heavy artillery. Their reliance on fixed gun emplacements meant their staging areas and bases of forward operations were always fortified and significantly armed.
Such defensive prudence while on the offensive proved a strangely effective counter against the Empire’s armies. Resultingly, the ‘lightning warfare’ preached by Imperial generals often lost impetus when dealing with Kaa’oran artillery, which could grind them to pieces long before contact was ever established. As the Kaa’orans made gradual progress into their territory, the Imperials were forced to rethink their centuries-old doctrine. Rather than match the density of firepower, the Empire’s strategists implemented ‘surgical’ measures capable of pinpointing and destroying Kaa’oran artillery emplacements using their own. Several new brigades were formed for this purpose, the 77th Hellbringers among them.
"The Empire’s many rivals had found an effective strategy to repel their combat swiftness. The Kaa’ora Kingdom specifically adapted all levels of organisational planning, from the tactical lens to the operational, to produce heavy long-range engagements that could stymie any Imperial advance. The Empire, in turn, evolved their martial pedagogy to include highly trained, overly equipped counter-battery brigades. These units, the 102nd, 95th, 111th, 107th, and 77th, soon proved to have a baneful impact on the once stalwart Kaa’oran defensive-offensive line. Author Unknown, On Imperial Martial Doctrine, dated late 2E
The subsequent meteoric rise of the Hellbringers is not as thoroughly recorded. It is speculated that they played a key role in countering the Kaa’oran forces, supporting the Imperial army by neutralising enemy emplacements. In fact, it is believed that their combat record was so impressive that the sobriquet ‘Hellbringers’ was bestowed on them by the Kaa’orans. This, however, is disputed by other hypotheses claiming that the 77th proudly named itself on the basis of the ‘hell they wrought’. Pound for pound, the Imperial and Kaa’oran forces were equally matched. With the implementation of counter-batteries like the 77th, however, the scales tipped significantly towards the Empire in late 2E. The Kingdom’s gradual progress into their rival’s territory was halted and soon reversed.
With the 77th effectively nullifying Kaa’oran artillery support, Imperial ground forces were able to simply overrun any positions they encountered. After service on the frontier, the 77th was transferred to the Aqidwyz continent to be stationed closer to the capital. They were placed under the command of Vernus, the Imperial commander tasked with garrisoning the Verny Militarised Zone. It is unclear why the Hellbringers, highly specialised for anti-artillery operations, were taken away from the many war fronts. Several theories exist to postulate this reasoning, though none can be entirely verified. The most commonly accepted hypothesis dictates that Commander Vernus had been impressed by the 77th’s record and so wished to have them under his direct command.
To acquire them, Vernus possibly called in a favour to the emperor, claiming that the Hellbringers would be of much use in the Imperial ‘buffer zone’. A contrasting thesis holds that Imperial Command was well aware of the Kin'toni outbreak before it became evident. As a precaution to defend the capital, elite military units were drawn from the borders and stationed in the Verny region, therefore strengthening its already stout garrison. Another less favourable speculation paints a grimmer picture. Some scholars hypothesise that the 77th was removed from frontline duty because of accusations of war crimes such as the killing of wounded soldiers and the deliberate targeting of civilians. Postulations aside, historical records firmly plant the Hellbringers, forebears of the Tinaech, in the Verny region when the Kin'toni outbreak occurred in 2E 3000.
The Awakening=
When the vampyres began spreading across Taerel, the 77th did not immediately engage them. Being stationed in the Verny militarised zone, their tasks were primarily shifted to defensive operations. However, as an influx of refugees penetrated the Imperial heartland, the Hellbringers were called to action by Commander Vernus. 3E03 saw them utilised against Kaa’oran dissidents. Surrounding a refugee camp, the 77th was given orders to subdue them by any means necessary. The brutal artillery brigade immediately opted for violence and commenced a horrific shelling campaign against the helpless Kaa’oran migrants. It is estimated that around 4300 Kaa’oran zu’aan were slain as a result of the bombardment.
A civil war would grip the Verny region in the early decade of the third era. Yet the 77th would not play a part in stemming it until 3E 10. Before their return to the militarised zone, they took part in protracted Imperial counteroffensives across the Aqidwyz continent against the growing Kin'toni hordes. While the details of these campaigns are largely lost, fragments of surviving documents indicate that the Empire suffered costly defeats. Conversely, the Hellbringers are believed to have taken relatively fewer casualties compared to other Imperial units. Their integrity resulted in them playing a significant role in Vernus’s handling of the civil war when they returned to the Verny region in 3E 10. Further armed by the infuriated commander, the 77th exacted an exorbitant toll on the rebellious refugees known as the ‘Anti-Imperial League’.
Due to heavy shelling of various camps, the ancestors of the Tinaech wiped out approximately 80,000 Zu'aan migrants. Additionally, dealing with restive Imperial citizens, the Hellbringers are believed to have claimed another 30,000–50,000 lives. By 3E 21, the 77th would again be tested by the Kin'toni. By that period, Imperial forces had been forced back into strongpoints by the encroaching vampyres. Being the most intensively fortified, the Verny region drew the attention of the ravenous beasts. Their initial appearance near the militarised zone is believed to have been either probing actions or the rogue actions of breakaway bands from larger hordes. Nevertheless, the kin’toni appeared at the borders of Vernus’s territory in significant enough numbers to warrant a high alert.
Minor battles began late in the 21st year of the third era. The Kin'toni, ill-equipped to deal with the region’s stalwart defences, were eliminated without incident. The Hellbringers and other artillery brigades greatly contributed to Imperial success. By ‘softening up’ the smaller hordes, the 77th allowed ground forces to then move in to conduct simple cleaning operations. Such engagements became mandatory for the Hellbringers, who continued to fight like so throughout 3E 22–23. In subsequent years, however, the vampyres increased in number as well as supply, with freshly ‘turned’ Imperial units adding to their ranks. 3E 24 brought about the first major conflict on the borders of the Verny region.
To the south, a horde consisting of former military personnel assaulted the forts along the edges of Vernus’s command. Utilising weapons capable of long-range engagements, the Kin'toni bombarded defences, killing many Imperial soldiers. In response, Vernus rapidly deployed the 77th to their full expertise. The Hellbringers worked quickly to counter the vampyres’ artillery, locating and launching a series of retaliatory strikes designed to knock out their ranged capabilities. True to their martial nature, the brigade’s actions proved both brutal and effective. The Kin'toni’s ability to shell the region’s border fortifications was all but rendered useless, with numerous emplacements and mobile artillery units destroyed by the 77th.
Devoid of fire support, the vampyric army pressed on under heavy shelling, a move that conclusively ended in disaster. Supported by other brigades, the Hellbringers whittled the Kin'toni down over several months until they finally withdrew. Similar combat occurrences would take place in 3E 26–28. For the next two decades, the Hellbringers were positioned and repositioned along the border to counter Kin'toni assaults. Their brigade would swell as other decimated artillery units were absorbed into their ranks. It is believed that most, if not all, of the original Imperial counter-battery brigades were merged with the 77th by 3E 37. According to contemporary Tinaech myth, the period between 3E 30 and 50 can also be theorised to bear the etymological roots of their name. Tinaech matriarchs hold that a zu’aan named ‘Tinaeon’, serving with the Hellbringers, distinguished himself through heroic deeds.
"And there was Tinaeon, name-father, whose bravery against the beasts gives us our titular heritage. On the eve of the first breaking of the castles, it was Tinaeon who refused to give ground. Using the forbidden magics, he hurled fire at the bloodsuckers as they poured into the desert like free-flowing sap from a sabul plant. He bent them and broke them, scattering their limbs in a flurry of blood and bone. And when the magic refused his command, he and his brothers met the monsters with ceaseless vengeance. Many did the name-father fall, and many more did he preserve the heads of as trophies to show the great-father Vernus."
-Matriarch Shara of the Tinaech zu’aan, Dated 4E 150
Surviving Imperial records do indicate that a ‘Tinaeon’ served in the 77th Hellbringers during the Awakening. What is unclear, however, is exactly when this figure lived and who he was. Most scholars are inclined to agree with the Tinaech oral tradition due to a lack of verifiable documents. Those that concur place Tinaeon as a historical zu’aan who lived between 3E 30 and 50. Contrasting opinions disagree on the basis of a singular use of the name ‘Tinaeon’ during the command of Ipso Zephyr, who replaced the deceased Vernus in 3E 50. According to reconstructed documents (their ‘unofficial’ status should be considered), Zephyr, Vernus’s son-in-law, mentions a ‘Tinaeon’ when writing about his family.
"There are those who will, no doubt, succeed me when I’m gone. Of course, there’s my beloved wife, whose lineage has commanded this besieged region for so long. Most of my brothers’ issues are dead or fighting me now as blood-lusting monsters. My sister, however, leaves behind for me a trio of nephews, though the fate of the third is uncertain. Yet of all these beloved relations, none are dearer to me than my own children. Saturnia is already blossoming into a beautiful young woman. Her brother and sister, the twins, are quickly following suit, though Vera is far more level-headed than Verus. And little Tinaeon grows far more curious with each passing day. He still doesn’t understand why I don’t let him play beyond the confines of the fort…"
-Attributed to Ipso Zephyr, Dated 3E 55
Critics of this record highlight the difficulty in properly attributing it to Zephyr. Due to its reconstructed nature, many scholars believe that it is nothing more than a potential fabrication. Throughout other documents of sound veracity, Ipso Zephyr is mentioned as only having a single child, a girl named Vera. Furthermore, Vera Zephyr is recorded to have had at least two children, a pair of boys, Vernus and Verus. The former is often incorrectly stated to have been the Tinaeon of the Tinaech zu’aan myth because of his service in the 77th, sometime in 3E 85. Experts on the Verny region postulate that if there is any familial connection between ‘Tinaeon’ and Commander Vernus, then it would have to have been through the younger of Vera Zephyr’s children, Verus Zephyr (the Zephyr name is used because the father is unknown).
Verus joined the Hellbringers the same year as his brother, though he would go on to possess a more colourful martial record. In the final two decades of the militarised Verny region, Verus Zephyr played a significant role. He rose to prominence via a decorated combat record with the 77th, being labelled as ‘quick-witted’ and ‘apt to finding weaknesses in the Kin'toni ranks’. His cunning character and clandestine demeanour earned him the nickname ‘the Tenebrous’, a title bestowed on him by the 77th’s ‘foreign’ influence—recruits who were the descendants of southern refugees. In a now-lost southern dialect, tenebrous is believed to have been translated as teneon, a word that the Hellbringers often used in place of Verus’s true name.
Despite the similarity to Tinaeon, scholars argue that any resemblance is pure coincidence. Yet most agree that Verus Zephyr’s contributions to the final years of the Verny region are indisputable. Through shadowy means, the grandson of Ipso Zephyr aided Kel Plutus, then commander of the region, in keeping the kin’toni at bay. He is theorised to have orchestrated the assassination of multiple high-ranking vampyre officers and directed the Hellbringers to eliminate vast quantities of ammo dumps, artillery emplacements, and entire divisions through the use of atomic weapons. His notable achievements, however, only served to prolong an inevitable strategic defeat. Though the claim is spurious, some hypothesise that Verus Zephyr was in fact the unnamed commander who succeeded Kel Plutus in 3E 97.
This would also make Verus responsible for the mass detonation of the Empire’s atomic stockpile, which turned the region into the Verny Barren Desert. The Tinaech themselves reject this claim, believing that Vernus’s bloodline would never have ordered such a ‘lamentable’ thing.
The Silent Years
As experts indicate, the Verny region’s atomic cataclysm of 3E 99 ushered in an era of ‘silence’. The history surrounding the region’s third-era existence has been left to speculation, deduction, and hypothesising, which in turn has created a field rife with mystery. The Tinaech and other Verny tribes believe their ancestors survived by hiding underground. There exists some evidence that may support this notion, as Commander Vernus’s complex system of forts did contain some manner of subterrean passage. The full extent of these tunnels remains unknown and is likely never to be fully studied. From what is understood through reasoning and Tinaech tradition, the 77th hunkered down in the depths of a northern fort.
According to the Tinaech matriarchs, the ‘magics’ employed by their ancestors were watered down to create more feasible weapons. Such a reference could only point to the modification of long-range artillery pieces for combat in enclosed spaces. While no direct evidence can support this idea, Tinaech oral tradition describes the grisly nature of the supposed underground conflicts.
"In the deep shadows of the earth did our fathers continue their war against the beasts. Darkness spread like embers in the wind, brushing everyone with the kiss of death. The magic upon which they called could not answer them within the bowels of the void. And so, they altered the profanities that summoned belching fire, moulding them into new rituals that could spit thunder even through shadow. Thus did the monsters come to them, and thus did those horrid things suffer at the hands of a forbidden arcane crafted in the dark. Skulls were split asunder, limbs scorched black to the bone, and blood spilled so far from the sun’s grace that few could tell of its crimson hue. Silence was the fortunate Zu'aan’s gift, and quietude their prayer."
-Matriach Dhiyarah of the Tinaech zu’aan, Dated 4E 220
With only sparse tribal narrations to go by, it is difficult to formulate any proper history of the Silent Years. The Hellbringers and other surviving Imperial forces took shelter underground. Their primitive descendants would only resurface seven centuries later, when the environmental conditions of the Verny region had finally stabilised.
The Early Days of the Tinaech
Psychology
The Tinaech mindset is perhaps best described as one of ‘martial survivorship’.
"Of all the tribes of the Verny Barren Desert, there is none as intriguing as the Tinaech. Having descended from the Empire’s 77th Artillery Brigade, these iron-wielding primitives still maintain a doctrine of shock and awe. In place of lost long-range technology, they utilise simple ballistic machines capable of hurling large stones over great distances. This they use to their advantage, pounding both other zu’aan and vampyric kin’toni into submission. What is doubly interesting, however, is their aptitude for survival. Their desert home is an arid, partially radioactive, and mortally dangerous location filled with dangers both biological and environmental. The fact that they have survived for so long in the manner and numbers that they have is starkly astonishing. Estimated to have 750–870 members, the Tinaech are among Taerel’s most populated tribes. While at first glance this may seem unimpressive, given the many perils of the Verny region, it is a number that can only attest to what I call a martial survivorship."
-Pretorus Anomus, Understanding the ‘Buffer Zone’, dated 4E 112
The tribe is attributed with having a dual mindset composed of a ‘warrior’ and a "survivalist." There is no room for overbearing weakness in the life of a Tinaech tribesman. The course of the years these zu’aan may live is filled with cycles of hardship, repetitive strains of inter-tribal conflict, kin’toni incursion, and the unyielding nature of their homeland. Resultingly, the Tinaech have, through successive generations, adapted a doctrine as iron-shod as their weapons. According to them, belief in their deity, the One, comes first. The tribe, as supported by individual families, is a secondary fundamental not to be ignored. Through the tribe, a Tinaech is given support both physically and mentally. To betray the tribe, either through the hoarding of resources or the refusal of military service (for males), is to subsequently deny the One His divine right. This is a crime often punished by death. How demise is wrought, however, can range from water deprivation to the redemption of honour through combat.
Culture
Family and Marriage
Like most Zu'aan cultures beyond Taerel’s cities, the Tinaech are classified as tribal. They place great emphasis on the family unit and believe that it is the duty of every tribe member to both marry and produce children. Ul’Yaeila, the family, is perhaps the centrepiece of Tinaech culture. Their beliefs hold that the responsibilities of domestic life are shared between the father and mother. The father is regarded as the ‘chieftain’ of the family and is responsible for the governance of those in his household. These duties include aspects of financial and physical well-being and are required by tribal law to be fulfilled by a father. A Tinaech mother, however, possesses a special status within the domicile when dealing with certain strands of life. For example, a father has no say whatsoever in what is eaten by the family.
In regards to nourishment, he must procure whatever his wife deems appropriate. Failing to do so can result in intervention by the tribe’s matriarchs or chieftains. Similarly, a Tinaech mother is granted full access to her husband’s wealth. She may ask for things as she likes, within reasonable bounds, and may take up the issue with the chieftain if her husband fails to provide a sound excuse as to why he denied her request. The Tinaech view on biological maturity coincides with their marital doctrine. Upon reaching 14 years of age, both boys and girls are considered suitable for marriage. Due to the faster development of cognitive ability in females, mature Tinaech girls are often considered more ‘appropriate’ for marriage than their male counterparts.
Boys are expected to both harness and improve their own resources before attempting to court a partner. The suitability of a potential father is examined by the tribe’s matriarchs, who will gauge a boy’s psychological, physical, and economic capacity. It is exceedingly rare for a Tinaech boy to be married at 14. According to compiled statistics, it appears most Tinaech males are married between the ages of 19 and 21.
In addition to gaining marriable’ status at 14, Tinaech boys are also conscripted into military service. A year’s worth of martial experience is made compulsory for tribal males. Shirking this duty carries the penalty of death by ‘honourable redemption’, a ritual called Ul’Tisdah Shuraf (roughly, ‘the retaking of honour").
An able-bodied male found to be avoiding service is labelled a shurafi and is forced to wander the desert in search of kin’toni to slay. They are to undertake this journey until they die, which is verified by scouts who follow the shurafi. In exceedingly rare cases, a shurafi may return to tribal life if they manage to kill 100 Kin'toni. In doing this, a shurafi attains the status of laeen ad’dushasha, the bane of the blood-suckers, and is revered as a living legend. Currently, only four Tinaech have ever achieved this honour. Once a boy’s maturity is acknowledged by the matriarchs, he may begin to look for a suitable spouse. The process of Tinaech courtship begins with an eligible male approaching the matriarchs with the name of a wife in mind.
If the matriarchs approve of the match, they will summon the girl and her parents. In this meeting, they will disclose that a boy wishes to take their daughter’s hand in marriage and that he has received the blessings of the matriarchs to do so. If the girl is willing, the matriarchs will then call for the boy, who is placed in an isolated tent, to discuss his courtship of the girl with her father. The father has the right to accept or reject the boy’s proposal as he sees fit. However, if the girl desires to marry the boy, she may take up her case with the matriarchs and tribe chieftain, who may overrule the father’s decision. When this happens, a father can choose to further challenge the boy to ritual combat.
A father's attaining victory in such a duel does not preclude a Tinaech boy from marrying his chosen girl. It instead places shame upon the girl, who must then decide if she truly wishes to marry a man who could not ‘defend her honour." Tinaech wedding ceremonies are a tribal celebration. It is very common for multiple weddings to occur on the same day, with all tribe members encouraged to take part. Marital rituals are considered a religious obligation; hence, figures who are deemed spiritually ‘inclined’ (necessarily the matriarchs) are tasked with overseeing them. On a wedding day, a bride will be escorted to the lodgings of the spiritually inclined Tinaech by a contingent of male relatives, including her father, brothers, uncles, and cousins.
There they meet with the groom, who must reach the same location by himself. Once all are in place, the groom proceeds to seek the blessing of each of his bride’s male relatives, ending with the father, to whom he must kneel and do so. After this is completed, the couple will enter the spiritual overseer’s tent, where they will be formally wed through the undertaking of a single ritual. Both repeat a series of marital oaths, ul’hila zawar, following which they drink a small portion of water from the same waterskin. By doing this, the two are officially recognised as husband and wife and will go before the matriarchs and chieftains to profess themselves as such. After officialities are concluded, a public reception is held wherein all wedded couples celebrate with their families and friends.
Nomadic Life
Due to the nature of the Verny Barren Desert, the Tinaech cannot stay in one location for long. Harsh conditions have produced a system of nomadic activity in the tribe. Like other tribal zu’aan, the Tinaech are defined by their frenetic approach to survival, shifting from locale to locale depending on their needs. As life in the arid region gravitates around water, the tribe places great emphasis on the sacrosanctity of hydration. Therefore, all tribe members, irrespective of sex, are trained to scout out water sources. This training is undertaken by children as young as seven and is regarded as an important survival tool in addition to a mandatory cultural practise. The waste of water through excess is regarded as a major religious sin.
Tinaech caught utilising water in ‘dubiously decadent’ ways are punished via their deprivation of the resource for two days. When it is deemed time to relocate, the Tinaech chieftain will consult the matriarchs. Taking their counsel into consideration, the chieftain then discusses suitable locations for migration with tribal scouts. These men, having been deployed in advance, will have procured several areas as domestic candidates. Several factors are assessed in determining a location’s suitability.
Ease of access to a single or several sources of water. These include underground springs and sabul plants.
Proximity to other tribes and the Tinaech’s relation to said tribes.
The presence of Kin'toni bands A higher concentration of vampyres is usually an indicator of an equally high number of sand hunters.
Ample food sources or the means to procure them. This typically includes both animal and plant life.
The time it would take to travel to a location
Radioactivity. How the Tinaech measure this is still unknown. Though it is believed scouts utilise ghuul activity to determine levels of radiation,
Once all of these have been weighed, the chieftain will then return to the matriarchs for consultation. Though the final choice lies with him, he will seek the opinion of each of the wisewomen, especially that of the matriarch, the eldest among them. Finally, the chieftain concludes which location would best serve as the Tinaech’s new home. In announcing his decision, the entire tribe undergoes a process of migration, settling in the chosen area.
Diet
The Tinaech subsist primarily on a carnivorous diet. Meat is ingested as a staple due to its relative abundance in the Verny Barren Desert and because it provides a secondary source of hydration. Desert burrowers are killed in great numbers by tribal hunters. These creatures, being exuberantly numerous, can easily be found and collected. For daily meals, the Tinaech skin and slow cook burrowers over fires, eating them on stone skewers as a delicacy known as uhmaq eal’yalzar (roughly ‘meat on a stick’). A significant portion of the burrowers are dried for use as rations. Certain species of sabul plants are also eaten as meat substitutes. Due to the ‘predatory’ nature of these floral lifeforms, their nutritional value extends beyond their excellent hydration factor.
Tineach hunters also specialise in harvesting sabul plants when animals cannot be found. The process can be dangerous, as the plants are known to release toxins capable of attracting and poisoning prey. If a hunter does not take adequate countermeasures, they may find themselves hooked and barbed to a sabul plant, which will proceed to ‘suck’ them dry. Common techniques used against these floral predators include spearing them from a distance and releasing burrowers as a distraction.
Government
The Tinaech tribe is formally headed by a male chieftain, a za’id. They are responsible for the general day-to-day governance of the tribe, with their duties encompassing a broad range of civic and martial tasks. If a chieftain is temporarily unable to fulfil their responsibilities, they may assign a close relative, usually a brother or older son, to serve as a za’im, a deputy chieftain. Chieftains are selected through a pseudo-elective process involving the tribe’s matriarchs, mulkhima. When choosing a new leader, suitable candidates will present themselves to the matriarchs, who will then put them through a series of trials known as the ul’ithan. These tests test the intellectual, leadership, and physical capacities of the candidates through multiple questions as well as labours.
If the matriarchs cannot decide between the men, a gladiatorial-style tournament known as ul’alib dusha is held. The potential chieftains engage each other in duels, ending when one party surrenders or is killed. The winner of the tournament is chosen as the new chieftain, and he is given ul’baih, the pledge of allegiance, by the Tinaech tribe. Though the Tinaech chieftain is seen as the official leader of the tribe, the matriarchs hold an important societal role. They are regarded as wisewomen, spiritual leaders, and ‘mothers, with whom the chieftain often seeks advice. Decisions made by the matriarchs will sometimes be echoed by the chieftain, and throughout Tinaech history, many za’id have been regarded as little more than puppets of the mulkhima.
Despite the elderly connotation, matriarchs are not always older female zu’aan. The process of becoming a mulkhima starts at an early age, around seven, with standout daughters from amongst the tribe taken as riftara, or wards, by the current matriarchs. These girls are mentored until they reach 16, when they must decide if they wish to continue their studious path. Those who opt to do so are faced with completing ul’numari, the growth, an examination that determines their capacity in both wisdom and intelligence. Successfully passing this graduates a girl from riftara to shalkhima, roughly ‘older sister’ or ‘young mother’, a title which they retain for six years. Failing the examination involves permanent expulsion from matriarchal life. Young women who do not pass ul’numari often cannot bear the shame, leading them to take their own lives.
A shalkhima will study more closely under the tutelage of a single mulkhima. Once their six-year apprenticeship has concluded, they will again be given the choice of returning to tribal life or taking part in the final tests. Graduating candidates are tasked with travelling to Ul’Katim in the south. Once there, they are required to meditate and pray for a period of three days in a process known as ul’yulat, or seeking. Due to the reclusive nature of this pilgrimage, it is often regarded as one of the most dangerous tasks of the Tinaech. A shalkhima will only take with her a few supplies, with many often neglecting weapons for spiritual reasons. This has led to a relatively high mortality rate among potential mulkhima at this stage, with estimates ranging between 35 and 43%. Common causes of death or disappearance include turning by Kin'toni bands, enslavement by blood clans, dehydration, and being eaten by wild animals. Upon completing ul’yulat, however, a shalkhima becomes an official matriarch and is rewarded with honours only afforded to chieftains.
Though there is no lower limit, the number of Tinaech matriarchs cannot exceed 15. The group is unofficially governed by the oldest among them, with age being an observable hierarchy within their ranks. This elder is referred to as ul’mulkhima, the matriarch, and is highly respected by every tribe member. As of 4E 250, Dhiyarah Ghar Ulais serves as the matriarch of the Tinaech zu’aan. Shaam Gher Haffat has recently been selected as chieftain, replacing his father, Haffat Gher Shagir.
Military
The military of the Tinaech zu’aan is a strictly patriarchal affair. It is the one aspect of society that the matriarchs have little to no influence over, as women are mostly forbidden from taking up arms as long as there are able-bodied males. While women are not completely prohibited in martial spaces, their participation in war is looked down upon due to the unfortunate circumstances that often befall female prisoners. In keeping with their heritage, the Tinaech zu’aan are masters of ‘artillery’ warfare. While Imperial technology has been lost, the Tinaech still pride themselves on maintaining the military doctrine of their ancestors. The 77th Artillery Brigade, the Hellbringers, were a highly specialised division that focused on long-range duels between fixed and mobile gun positions.
The Tinaech tribals have adopted the practises of the Hellbringers through the use of primitive ‘stone-throwers’ and catapults. When engaging an enemy, the Tinaech will send scouts known as ryah yarij, or windrunners, to reconnoitre their positions. Once thoroughly scouted, some will commence ‘fixing’ attacks to distract and keep the hostile tribe in place. Others will return with information about the enemy to the main body of the army, which will then move their stone-throwers and catapults into adequate positions. After this is completed, the ‘artillery’ then proceeds to assault scouted locations with a barrage of projectiles. These projectiles can range from large stones to incendiary casks. The Tinaech will continue to chip away at their foe until it is deemed appropriate for the rest of the army to move in and ‘clean up’ any remaining fighters.
Because of the nature of their martial creed, the Tinaech also double as effective storm troops. In the aftermath of a Tinaech barrage, frontline fighters called yahlayn ul’nihura, heralds of the end (known simply as ul yahlayn, the heralds), will rush forward to kill the surviving foes. The heralds are typically recruited from among the largest and strongest males of the tribe, with women completely barred from joining their ranks. They are well-known for their ‘macabre’ regalia, sporting outfits consisting of bones and kin’toni skin, and will occasionally make use of bone weapons (this practise is largely ceremonial, as a herald’s ‘mark of office’ is usually a bone knife). Windrunners will sometimes supplement the heralds in their grisly task.
The two regiments, however, are known for their rivalry with each other.
"The conflict between the heralds and windrunners is truly something to behold. Their mutual aggression borders on tribal, and squabbles are not uncommonly witnessed as devolving into open contempt. Where this animosity stems from is up for debate. Imperial records do not highlight any inter-brigade competition within the ranks of the 77th. However, it is entirely possible that some form of rivalry developed in the years when the surviving Imperial zu’aan were, ostensibly, forced underground due to dangerous levels of radiation in the Verny region."
-Pretorus Anomus, Understanding the ‘Buffer Zone’, dated 4E 112
Supplementing the Tinaech ‘artillery’ is a significantly trained regiment of skirmishers. Due to a lack of knowledge pertaining to archery in the region, these projectile troops make use of javelins (sometimes slings) instead of bows. Known as ul’gudaf, the throwers, each individual is equipped with 30 throwing spears and a hide buckler coated in the chitinous secretions of the sabul plant. The primary task of the throwers is to defend the catapults and stonethrowers. When a contingent of foes is spotted approaching the position of the ‘artillery’, throwers will move to intercept them, showering the oncoming enemy with javelins until they are slain or routed.
Tinaech artillery is demarcated by a pair of classifications. Stone-throwers, or gudafhaga, are small machines capable of hurling projectiles up to 500 feet. Mounted on wheels, these pieces are easily shipped around on the battlefield and can be repositioned in a matter of minutes. A typical stone-thrower crew consists of four zu’aans: two to load the ammunition and two to release and restrain the throwing arm. Gudafjiniq, or catapults, are larger machines that require assembly and disassembly due to their relatively prodigious size. However, they possess a far superior range to their smaller counterparts, with the ability to launch objects up to 1200 feet. Due to their dimensions, Tinaech catapults are operated by a crew of eight: four to load ammunition and four to man the arm.
The largest recorded Tinaech catapult, ul’wyliur, or the woe, was a machine that measured 16 feet in length and 11 in width and could hurl a 500-pound stone up to 1500 feet.
Religion
The Tinaech religion is monotheistic. It holds that a single divine entity created and oversees the universe, possessing power over all things. This being bears the name Waha, the One, and bears no physical description. To try to even capture the One in an image is considered blasphemy of the highest order. Along with slandering Waha, drawing Him (Tinaech capitalization), claiming to be Him, and associating partners with Him are classified as apostasy, a crime that bears the penalty of death. There is no religious head or organised institution. Anyone in the community may become a ‘spiritual’ leader by virtue of their character. However, tribal matriarchs are more associated with Waha than chieftains and are often looked to as religious guides.
The core tenet of the Tinaech faith revolves around a zu’aan’s qist, or belief. In accordance with their doctrine, zu’aan who possess no belief in the One or believe in other deities other than Him are considered heretics. The religion strongly condemns polytheism of any kind. It leaves no room for the worship of multiple entities, as divine association with Waha is believed to be a major sin. Tinaech who incorporate other theocratic dogmas into the religion are branded as apostates. Spirituality and belief are practised primarily on an individual basis. The Tinaech do not conduct public rituals, nor is group prayer a common method of contacting the divine. Instead, a follower of the One may choose to pray to Him in times of distress or hardship or in times of happiness to express gratitude.
Prayer itself is not restricted to a single methodology. The doctrine describes prayer as the ‘link between a zu’aan and Waha’, carried out in various ways and at different times of the day. The typical Tinaech prayer to Waha involves supplication in a kneeling position with the head bowed and hands held apart before the chest. A supplicant may then engage in litanies of thanks, pleas, or glorification. While it is not a sin to express these liturgies aloud, it is recommended that a follower speak softly so as not to disturb those around them.
"You are the One! the One Creator! The One Lord! The One to whom all praise belongs! Glory to You, the One!"
UlMajsi, the Glorification, a common litany of praise
With public rituals nonexistent, religious holidays are sparse. Birthdays are revered as individual or familial affairs. They are celebrated as moments of gratitude, and celebrants will dedicate two-to-three hours of prayer to giving thanks to Waha for blessing them with life. In addition to sanctifying days of birth, the Tinaech also believe that the mukbala, the migration of roqs to Ul’Katim, is a sacred event. According to them, roqs undertake this journey in order to glorify Waha. Because of this, the Tinaech consider this yearly flight a sanctified ceremony and will follow the roqs to the Wahjar plant in the south for a day of prayer.
The Tinaech believe in life after death. However, they consider the afterlife one of Waha’s mysteries, and to contemplate the hereafter is sinful. Rather, an adherent of the One should focus on ‘cleansing’ their soul through actions of good and refraining from evil. According to a few ‘heretical’ thinkers, there is no ultimate destination for the Tinaech. Consequently, as Waha grew ‘angry’ at Zu'aan for their blasphemous and degenerate ways, He created the Kin'toni to plague the world until the end of time. That time entails the inevitable turning of every zu’aan on Taerel. From then on, all ‘sinners’ will wander mindlessly, lusting for blood they cannot procure, for all eternity.
Miscellany
The Tinaech language is believed to be an amalgamation of different tongues brought on by various refugees during the Awakening. The term Ghar refers to ‘daughter of’. The term Gher refers to ‘son of’. The title is strictly patriarchal, with tribe members always referenced in relation to their father. Children born out of wedlock are excluded until their parents are forcibly married.
The Tinaech boast descent from the legendary Commander Vernus, often referring to themselves as Ul’Ghur Vernus, the Children of Vernus. This claim is unverifiable, as almost all tribes of the Verny Barren Desert claim similar heritage.
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